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https://hansandcassady.org/Profiles-In-Courage.html ] 
  in progress ... 

FINAL  >  https://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/117-2021/h17 

  ( https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Chicago_Seven )


  https://hansandcassady.org/Trump-RadicaliZation.html < TIME ARTICLE "SHREDDED" BY SUSAN :: 



https://hansandcassady.org/Profiles-In-Courage.html ] 
  in progress ... 

FINAL  >  https://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/117-2021/h17 

  ( https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Chicago_Seven )

 Convict TRUMP !  Many realize - from this web site's name - [that] I was born AND raised - in the "bottoms" area - of Columbus, Ohio; during America's turbulent '60s. YES, I am a 1972 Graduate - of Columbus, OhiO's - Central High School; My Uncle Pearl's "little boy" won a football award - in 1955. ONE YEAR EARLIER - I was born crippled - by a condition - I whipped ( with a lot of helps ).  As a former "small business owner"  ( we never had more than 10 employees )  - and, the person charged with "hiring new staff" - as our business grew; it does appear a novel approach to hire someone for a challenging job - [that] they have absolutely no experience in [ none - zip - zero ]; YET, this is what America did - in 2016. 

 But, for the "hire-ER" to falsely exhibit "shock" - when the results ( via the "hire-EE" ) are worse than expected - seems insincere - at best. 
  I voted for Ms. Clinton - but, we are ALL responsible! DEMOCRACY is "fragile"!  

 Again, as the "owner" - of a small business ( NOT given to me by my father ), I could ( and DID! ) "fire" employees - when they failed to perform - as I expected them to - [after a "training program" & "trial period" ].     Indeed, as a practical matter - ALL "employers" MUST fire "employees" - who fail to perform.  Thus, the fact that Donald J. Trump's entire time in office [ January 20, 2017 to 1-20-2021 noon ] was marked with such calamitous "failures" - and, YET A REPUBLICAN MAJORITY Senate failed - to convict! - the first time...  [ this puzzles me ]. AND - YOUR failure to CONVICT - the first time... Consider, now, 5 people are DEAD.
    So Rob Portman - the "righteous Buckeyes" - are goin' give YOU one more chance - to convict !  Can't you see Rob ? Ohio does NOT need Trump!  Trump needs OhiO.   convict TRUMP ! : SOURCE: https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2021/01/20/convict-trump-warning-future-presidents-extremists-column/4212189001/   "...convicting Donald J. Trump... in the Senate, removing his ability to stand for office again, successfully prosecuting him and his co-conspirators in court, and holding to account our House and Senate colleagues who enabled this madness: All of these are steps we must take to demonstrate our commitment to democracy and equal justice under the law.  ... " [ by Rep. ALMA ADAMS TN ] < YOU GO GIRL!  ... "hang Mike Pence" ... ::  Donald has ZERO remorse for his actions. [A] < In fact, Donald just continues to lie, deny and divide ... 

How did the crowd - know the cheer? And, who coordinated the noose, AND the appearance and the erection of the gallows?  - MMO - GUILTY! 
https://abc6onyourside.com/news/local/who-could-replace-rob-portman-us-senate-1-25-2021 ] 
 Jim Jordan: 
"Premier Trump Ass Kisser" "why?" = https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jim_Jordan_(American_politician)  [ OH- 4 ] 

  DEMaGOGUE https://time.com/4375262/history-demagogues-donald-trump/ ::   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demagogue ::   "Radical"   https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/radical radical ( adjective )  - believing or expressing the belief that there should be great or extreme social or political change: (EXAMPLES) 1. He was known as a radical reformer/thinker/politician; 2.These people have very radical views.; 3.The feeling among the grassroots of the Party is that the leaders are not radical enough. ; 4.This is a desperate situation which requires a truly radical solution. ; 5.He belonged to the radical fringes of the party.  ... 
 RADICALIZATION :   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Radicalization   "...  includes political positions such as the Trump travel ban which Donald Trump initially campaigned for as "a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States", or ironically Senator Ted Cruz's call to "patrol and secure Muslim neighborhoods before they become radicalized".[39] ..." 

     Trump "radicalization"  of  the Republican party voters  < google : 

Supporters of President Donald Trump gather around the Washington Monument for a rally protesting the results of the presidential election in Washington, D.C. on Jan. 6, 2021.hhh Behind the Design of the New Washington Monument Entrance and Visitor  Facility - Untapped New York

Supporters of President Donald Trump gather around the Washington Monument for a rally protesting the results of the presidential election in Washington, D.C. on Jan. 6, 2021.




hh  hhh HH Omaha man, leader of #WalkAway campaign, accused in U.S. Capitol Riot | KPTM
   PHOTO by  ( https://www.thedailybeast.com/stop-the-steal-organizer-in-hiding-after-denying-blame-for-riot )

  Ali Alexander,   the [ an ] organizer of the Stop the Steal movement promoting President Trump’s baseless "conspiracy theory" that widespread voter fraud cost him the 2020 election, tweeted on Dec. 7, that he was “willing to give [his] life for this fight.” -- The next day, the Arizona Republican Party’s official account retweeted Alexander, with the note: “he is. Are you?” 

     https://www.politico.com/news/2021/01/25/capitol-riot-stop-the-steal-462322  ::   ( By JOSH GERSTEIN ::  

Straka achieved some prominence in the media during Trump’s effort to reverse President-elect Joe Biden’s win. Straka spoke at a variety of previous Stop the Steal events at the Capitol, in Michigan and elsewhere. According to the complaint, he said he was supposed to speak at such a rally at the Capitol on Jan. 6 but that event was scuttled after the riot broke out and police cleared the crowd. During his speech the day before the riot, Straka referred to the audience as “patriots” and referred repeatedly to a “revolution,” Desor said. Straka also told the attendees to “fight back” and added, “We are sending a message to the Democrats, we are not going away, you’ve got a problem!” the agent reported.

In media appearances, Straka described himself as a Manhattan-based, gay ex-liberal. >
 [ https://www.nbcnews.com/feature/nbc-out/meet-brandon-straka-gay-former-liberal-encouraging-others-walkaway-democrats-n902316 ]

He and his “#walkaway” tagline became a favorite in some conservative quarters in the past couple of years, featured on programs such as the "Judge Jeanine" show on Fox News.

Court records show the criminal complaint against Straka was approved by a federal magistrate judge in Washington last Tuesday.

Biggs>Biggs  Gosar> U.S. Congressman Paul Gosar  GOSAR tweeted, “Biden should concede. I want his concession on my desk tomorrow morning. Don’t make me come over there,” with a photo of the thousands of Trump supporters on the national mall.
Brooks>Congressman Mo Brooks  (  https://hansandcassady.org/MO-BROOKS-AL.html  )

 [ SOURCE:  https://www.inquirer.com/politics/nation/ali-alexander-stop-the-steal-andy-biggs-mo-brooks-paul-gosar-20210113.html

"...  Ali Alexander... who organized the “Stop the Steal” movement, said he hatched the plan — coinciding with Congress’s vote to certify the electoral college votes — alongside three GOP lawmakers: Reps. Andy Biggs, Ariz., Mo Brooks, Ala., and Paul Gosar, Ariz., all hard-line Trump supporters.... "We four schemed up of putting maximum pressure on Congress while they were voting," Alexander said in a since-deleted video on Periscope highlighted by the Project on Government Oversight, an investigative nonprofit. The plan, he said, was to "change the hearts and the minds of Republicans who were in that body, hearing our loud roar from outside." ... After riots inside the Capitol left five people dead — and Alexander and his group were banned from Twitter this week — those three GOP lawmakers are now under increasing scrutiny over their role in aiding the right-wing activist. ..." 


https://news.yahoo.com/stop-steal-organizer-hiding-denying-020833348.html  :::: 

  Less than a month later, on Jan. 6, pro-Trump rioters overtook the U.S. Capitol by force, smashing windows and forcing lawmakers into hiding in a violent insurrection that resulted in the death of five people, including a [TWO] Capitol Hill police officerS:

 [1] Officer Brian D. Sicknick :   :  https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/08/us/brian-sicknick-police-capitol-dies.html :: 

 [2] Officer Howard Liebengood :   :  https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/liebengood-capitol-police-death/2021/01/10/3a495b84-5357-11eb-a08b-f1381ef3d207_story.html 

In the aftermath of the violence, [SOME] Republicans have scrambled to distance themselves from the mob.

The Republican National Committee [ WEB SITE ]condemned the attack and on Jan. 13, 10 Congressional Republicans voted to impeach Trump for his role in inciting the riot.

But the vocal backlash belies a much more uncomfortable reality: the Republican Party —including local, state and federal lawmakers and elected officials, and dozens of local Republican Party chapters—actively supported the Jan. 6 rally, both logistically and by leveraging their institutional platforms to promote falsehoods and encourage Trump supporters’ grievances.

More than two dozen Republican lawmakers and other elected officials personally attended the rally, and at least one was caught on video storming the Capitol building during the riot. Many of these Republican Party members remain fervent Trump supporters and continue to repeat and amplify his baseless claims.

  FCC "truth" in broadcast statements ::  FCC : Regarding Broadcast Hoaxes  ::  


 The riot spurred calls to once again impeach [ Donald J. Trump ], this time on a charge for "incitement of an insurrection". 

  [  https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/13/opinion/trump-impeachment-bipartisan.html  ]

  " Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell circulated a memo to Republicans saying Trump cannot logistically be removed from office before Inauguration Day.  Trump, however, is not the only Republican facing a swift backlash. ... Republican lawmakers, who were present at either the rally or riot, are being accused by their own colleagues of having "galvanized domestic terrorists." 

 Here are [ some of - 9 ]  the Republican lawmakers across state and federal levels who were present at Trump's rally that led to the Capitol siege. 

hhhhhh  hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh hh
 1.West Virginia State Delegate Derrick Evans  https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/west-virginia-lawmaker-records-himself-storming-capitol-thousands-call-his-n1253362
 2. Virginia State Senator Amanda Chas  https://www.npr.org/2021/01/09/955128569/more-than-a-dozen-gop-state-lawmakers-attended-rally-that-gave-way-to-riots 
 3. Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley   https://www.newsweek.com/josh-hawley-missouri-senator-danger-democracy-editorial-criticism-1564157
 4. Tennessee State Rep. Terri Lynn Weaver   https://www.tennessean.com/story/news/politics/2021/01/07/tennessee-rep-terri-lynn-weaver-capitol-riot-lot-of-patriots/6578595002/  
 5. candidate for PACon. rep. Rick Saccone  https://www.post-gazette.com/news/education/2021/01/07/Trump-Biden-Capitol-St-Vincent-College-Rick-Saccone-professor-Lamb-congress-representative/stories/202101070152
 6.  PA State Senator Doug Mastriano  https://www.inquirer.com/politics/pennsylvania/spl/doug-mastriano-trump-capitol-attack-resignation-investigation-20210108.html
 7. Illinois State Rep. Chris Miller   https://www.politico.com/news/2021/01/08/illinois-lawmaker-hitler-comments-456596 
 8. Arizona State Rep. Anthony Kern   https://www.glendalestar.com/news/article_cedb5b74-55de-11eb-9e9d-d355bcf59111.html 
 9.  Georgia State Rep. Vernon Jones 

 original ::  https://www.businessinsider.com/republican-lawmakers-who-attended-rally-ahead-of-capitol-riot-2021-1 

Dozens of local Republican Party chapters used their social media platforms to promote bus trips to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6, according to reviews conducted by TIME and social media posts collected by media watchdog group Media Matters for America. Numerous posts encouraged Trump supporters to go to their state and federal capitol buildings to “fight,” “take America back,” and even “occupy” the government.
  [ https://www.mediamatters.org/january-6-insurrection/dozens-republican-party-groups-used-facebook-help-organize-bus-trips-dc-pro ]

Several official Republican Party accounts, for example, posted a promotional flyer that referred to the Jan. 6 rally as “Operation Occupy the Capitol” and included slogans like #WeAreTheStorm, which are used by QAnon conspiracy theorists.

The same flyer was found in fringe rightwing internet circles where the term “Operation Occupy the Capitol” had become something of a rallying cry, says Julie Millican, the vice president of Media Matters for America.

H    https://www.facebook.com/1464390790449285/posts/2775947202626964  [ IMAGE  BELOW ]

  [ SUSAN :: An Ohio "DEMOCRAT" WILL CONTINUE]   ::  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_inauguration_of_Franklin_D._Roosevelt 


A screenshot, captured Jan. 15, illustrating a post on one local Republican Party chapter's Facebook page  hhhh Benton County Central Committee Operation Occupy The Capitol

A screenshot, captured Jan. 15, illustrating a post on one local Republican Party chapter's Facebook page

 "We the people are the rightful masters of both Congress and the courts, not to overthrow the Constitution but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution."

   Quote in context:  
   >  SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 - by Abraham Lincoln ]  

 SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859  ::  https://www.gutenberg.org/files/2657/2657-h/2657-h.htm

"Black Republican"
 SOURCE: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lincoln%E2%80%93Douglas_debates
 "...  There were partisan remarks, such as Douglas' accusations that members of the "Black Republican" party were abolitionists, including Lincoln, and he cited as proof Lincoln's House Divided Speech, in which he said, "I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free."[14] Douglas also charged Lincoln with opposing the Dred Scott decision because "it deprives the negro of the rights and privileges of citizenship." Lincoln responded that "the next Dred Scott decision" could allow slavery to spread into free states. Douglas accused Lincoln of wanting to overthrow state laws that excluded blacks from states such as Illinois, which were popular with the northern Democrats. Lincoln did not argue for complete social equality, but he did say that Douglas ignored the basic humanity of blacks and that slaves did have an equal right to liberty.[15]  ..."

  My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in my life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as this: I therefore—though I am no longer a young man—make this appearance under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that when one is embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with it is to quit talking or thinking about it, and go at something else.

I understand that you have had recently with you my very distinguished friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, without having had an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of seeing a report of the speech that he made here, that he did me the honor to mention my humble name. I suppose that he did so for the purpose of making some objection to some sentiment at some time expressed by me. I should expect, it is true, that judge Douglas had reminded you, or informed you, if you had never before heard it, that I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it, I did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to be dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be divided, that it would become all one thing, or all the other; that either the opponents of slavery would arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind would rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction, or the friends of slavery will push it forward until it becomes alike lawful in all the States, old or new, free as well as slave. I did, fifteen months ago, express that opinion, and upon many occasions Judge Douglas has denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or unintentionally, misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that opinion.

I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor Seward of New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced them; that he tried to point out that there was something couched in this opinion which led to the making of an entire uniformity of the local institutions of the various States of the Union, in utter disregard of the different States, which in their nature would seem to require a variety of institutions and a variety of laws, conforming to the differences in the nature of the different States.

 Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the onset of continual war between the different States, the slave and free States.

This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, the 9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing.

On the next evening, I made some reply to it. I informed him that many of the inferences he drew from that expression of mine were altogether foreign to any purpose entertained by me, and in so far as he should ascribe these inferences to me, as my purpose, he was entirely mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that, whatever might be my purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead to these results, he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as purposes were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me.

When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of declaring war between the different States of the Union, that I had not said that I did not expect any peace upon this question until slavery was exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when that institution was put where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, from the organization of our government until a very recent period of time, the institution had been placed and continued upon such a basis; that we had had comparative peace upon that question through a portion of that period of time, only because the public mind rested in that belief in regard to it, and that when we returned to that position in relation to that matter, I supposed we should again have peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, assure you, that I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in any way of interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists.

I believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United States, or rather under the form of government under which we live, to interfere with the institution of slavery, or any other of the institutions of our sister States, be they free or slave States. I declared then, and I now re-declare, that I have as little inclination to interfere with the institution of slavery where it now exists, through the instrumentality of the General Government, or any other instrumentality, as I believe we have no power to do so. I accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery.

So, upon the first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply to me, he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject, and seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. "Oh, no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man to do such a thing as that; he only means that he will go on to the line between the free and slave States, and shoot over at them. This is all he means to do. He means to do them all the harm he can, to disturb them all he can, in such a way as to keep his own hide in perfect safety."

Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along with it as well as I could.

It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the line at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, and purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the best chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some Kentuckians about this audience—we are close to Kentucky; and whether that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by speaking distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians would hear me on the other side of the river. For that reason I propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the Kentuckians.

I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, [that] I am what they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further spread in—these United States, and I should not object if it should gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you Kentuckians that I understand you differ radically with me upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not pretend, in addressing myself to you Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you that you ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to demonstrate that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for yourselves.

What do you want more than anything else to make successful your views of slavery,—to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and perpetuate the nationality of it? What do you want more than anything else? What—is needed absolutely? What is indispensable to you? Why, if I may, be allowed to answer the question, it is to retain a hold upon the North, it is to retain support and strength from the free States. If you can get this support and strength from the free States, you can succeed. If you do not get this support and this strength from the free States, you are in the minority, and you are beaten at once.

If that proposition be admitted,—and it is undeniable,—then the next thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this nation, is the only man that affords you any hold upon the free States; that no other man can give you any strength in the free States. This being so, if you doubt the other branch of the proposition, whether he is for you—whether he is really for you, as I have expressed it,—I propose asking your attention for a while to a few facts.

The issue between you and me, understand, is, [that] I think slavery is wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is my Kentuckian I am talking to now.

I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves.

In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the country, substantially, enters into the execution—or administration, rather—of the government, in such a government, what lies at the bottom of all of it is public opinion.

I lay down the proposition, that Judge Douglas is not only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the North, and support in the North, but he constantly molds public opinion to your ends; [that] - in every possible way - he can he constantly molds the public opinion of the North to your ends;
and, if there are a few things in which he seems to be against you,—a few things which he says that appear to be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like to have him say you ought to remember [that] the saying of the one, or the forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you.

Upon this subject of molding public opinion I call your attention to the fact—for a well established fact it is—that the Judge never says your institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a "public man" in the United States, I believe, with the exception of Senator Douglas, who has not, at some time in his life, declared his opinion whether the thing is right or wrong; but, Senator Douglas - never declares it is wrong. He leaves himself at perfect liberty to do all in your favor which he would be hindered from doing if he were to declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, he takes all the chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the North, opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is right.

This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him full credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the whole which he does for you.

Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the floor of the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I understand, a great many times, that he does not care whether slavery is "voted up or voted down." This again shows you, or ought to show you, if you would reason upon it, that he does not believe it to be wrong; for a man may say when he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that he, does not care whether it be "voted up or voted down" but no man can logically say that he cares not whether a thing goes up or goes down - which to him appears to be wrong. You therefore have a demonstration in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your favorite institution, which you would have spread out and made perpetual, is no wrong.

Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there, distinctly told the people that there was a "line drawn by the Almighty across this continent, on the one side of which the soil must always be cultivated by slaves"; that he did not pretend to know exactly where that line was, but that there was such a line. I want to ask your attention to that proposition again; that there is one portion of this continent where the Almighty has signed the soil shall always be cultivated by slaves; [that] its being cultivated by slaves at that place is right; [that] it has the direct sympathy and authority of the Almighty.

Whenever you can get these "Northern audiences" to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of Douglas's views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make the other argument, which is perfectly logical, that [that] which is right on that side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if you have that property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and stamp of the Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is wrong to have constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it.

So, Douglas is molding the public opinion of the North, first - to say that the thing is right in your State over the Ohio River, and hence - to say that [that] which is right there is not wrong here, and that all laws and constitutions here recognizing "it" as being wrong are themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and abrogated. He will tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have laws against slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate is not suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and therefore you have constitutions and laws against it.

Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be sound.  You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned sugar-cane, and you won't raise that long), but they do raise it in Louisiana. You don't raise it in Ohio, because you can't raise it profitably, because the climate don't suit it. They do raise it in Louisiana, because there it is profitable. Now, Douglas will tell you that is precisely the slavery question: [that] they do have slaves there because they are profitable, and you don't have them here because they are not profitable. If that is so, then it leads to dealing with the one precisely as with the other.

 Is there, then, anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in your law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, but if any man did desire to do so, you would say it was a "tyrannical law" that forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with Douglas, whenever your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as surely you will have reached the conclusion that although it is not profitable in Ohio, if any man wants it, is wrong - to him - not to let him have it.

In this matter, Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind - for you of Kentucky - to make perpetual that "good thing" in your estimation, about which you and I differ.

In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I believe it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. Let me state that again: five years ago no living man had expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. If there is - in this large audience - any man who ever knew of that opinion being put upon paper as much as five years ago, I will be obliged to him now or at a subsequent time to show it.

If that be true, I wish you then to note the next fact: [that] within the space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this question, has got his entire party, so far as I know, without exception, in saying that the negro has no share in the Declaration of Independence.

If there be now - in all these United States - one "Douglas man" that does not say this, I have been unable upon any occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said this five years ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter [that] you "Kentuckians" ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public sentiment upon that question.

Of what tendency is that change? The "tendency" of that change is - to bring the public mind to the conclusion [that] when men are spoken of, the negro is not meant; [that] when negroes are spoken of, "brutes" alone are contemplated. That change - in public sentiment - has already degraded the black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers from the condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the condition of a brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas credit for this. That is the largest possible stride that can be made in regard to the perpetuation of your thing of slavery.

 [A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians!]

Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please.

In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the Bible.

You are trying to show that slavery existed in "the Bible times" by divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, upon that subject.

Douglas knows [that] whenever you establish that "slavery" was—right by the Bible, it will occur that [that] "slavery" was the slavery of the white man, of men without reference to color; and, he knows very well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but - you will never win any Northern support upon it.

He makes a wiser argument for you: he makes the argument that the "slavery" of the black man; the slavery of the man - who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. He thereby - brings to your support "Northern voters" who could not for a moment be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. Will you give him credit for that? Will you not say [that] - in this matter - he is more "wisely" for you than you are for yourselves?

Now, having established with his entire party this "doctrine", having been entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your behalf, he is ready for another.

At this same meeting - at Memphis -  he declared that in all contests between the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but [that] in all questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for the negro. He did not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. He made it a great many times in the canvass in Illinois last year (though, I don't know that it was reported in any of his speeches there, but he frequently made it).

I believe he repeated it at Columbus, and I should not wonder if he repeated it here. It is, then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that subject. It is a matter of "mature deliberation" with him - thus, to express himself upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate attention.

The first inference seems to be [that] if you do not enslave the negro, you are wronging the white man in some way or other; and, that whoever is opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, against the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict between the "white man" and the negro, I should be for the white man as much as Judge Douglas; but, I say there is no such necessary conflict. I say [that] there is room enough for us all to be free; and, [that] it not only does not wrong the white man - that the negro should be free, but it positively wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be enslaved; [that] the mass of white men are really injured by the effects of "slave labor" in the vicinity of the fields of their own labor.

 [ And thus, enabling "out-sourcing" of work - to countries - with Universal Health CARE & "slave  conditions" - visa vi wages & working conditions ... ]

But, I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question - more than to say that this assumption of his is false; And I do hope that that fallacy will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white men. At all events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; as, it is for your "benefit" it is made.

 [ - and, surely Ceaser is a good man....]

The other branch of it is, [that] in the struggle between the negro and the crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is any struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose [that] if a crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call them, "alligators") should come across a white man, he would kill him if he could; and so -  he [the "alligator"] would [also kill] a negro.

But what, at last, is this proposition? I believe it is a sort of proposition in proportion, which may be stated thus: "As the negro is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro may rightfully treat the crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man may rightfully treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really the "nip" of all that argument of his.

Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank Judge Douglas - for having put [that] in a much more taking way than any of yourselves have done.

Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls it, gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade whenever you want it.
 If you question this, listen awhile, consider awhile what I shall advance in support of that proposition.

He [Douglas] says that it is the "sacred right" of the man who goes into the Territories to have slavery - if he wants it. Grant that for argument's sake.
 Is it not the "sacred right" of the man - who don't go there - equally to buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you point out the difference? The man who goes into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, or any other new Territory, with the sacred right of taking a slave there which belongs to him, would certainly have no more right to take one there than I would, who own no slave, but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You will not say you, the friends of Judge Douglas - but that - the man who does not own a slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the Territory as the other does.

 [A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere with the slave trade?]

Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to whip foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us.

 [Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. ]

 (Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but I do not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. )

I say that Douglas's "popular sovereignty", establishing his "sacred right" in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical conclusion - gives equally the "sacred right" to the people of the States or the Territories themselves to buy slaves - wherever they can buy them cheapest; and if any man can show a distinction, I should like to hear him try it.

If any man can show how the people of Kansas have a better right to slaves, because they want them, than the people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I want him to do it. I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular sovereignty" for the people to have slaves because they want them, it is "popular sovereignty" for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to do so.


I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid of that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, who resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the laws that prohibit the Africa slave trade.

He bases his opposition to such repeal upon the ground that "these laws" - are themselves - one of the compromises of the Constitution of the United States.

 Now, it would be very interesting to see Judge Douglas - or any of his friends -  turn, to the Constitution of the United States and point out that compromise, to show where there is any compromise in the Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; express or implied, by which the administrators of that Constitution are under any obligation to repeal the African slave trade.

I know, or at least I think I know, that the framers of that Constitution [ 1787 ] did expect the African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended there is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of the Constitution expected it to be abolished.

But,  while they so expected, they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no provision in the Constitution requiring it should be so abolished.

The migration or importation of such persons as the States shall see fit to admit shall not be prohibited, but a certain tax might be levied upon such importation.

 [ https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-1/section-9/#:~:text=The%20Migration%20or%20Importation%20of,ten%20dollars%20for%20each%20Person.  ]

  But, what was to be done after that time? The Constitution is as silent about that as it is silent, personally, about myself. There is absolutely nothing in it about that subject; there is only the expectation of the framers of the Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the end of that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order that it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I suppose they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try to enumerate before you.

But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that time, they expected that the spread of slavery into the new Territories should also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that the framers of the Constitution of the United States expected that slavery should be prohibited from extending into the new Territories, as it is to prove that it was expected that the slave trade should be abolished. Both these things were expected. One was no more expected than the other, and one was no more a compromise of the Constitution than the other. There was nothing said in the Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the Territory. I grant that; but, there was something very important said about it by the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of '87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors in Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, are happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation of men, though not to the full extent members of the convention that framed the Constitution, were to some extent members of that convention, holding seats at the same time in one body and the other, so - that if there was any compromise on either of these subjects, the strong evidence is that that compromise was in favor of the restriction of slavery from the new Territories.

But, Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of those laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the Constitution.

You Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with that. You ought not to be! You ought to be patient! You ought to know that if he said less than that, he would lose the power of "lugging" the Northern States to your support. Really, what you would push him to do would take from him his entire power to serve you. And you ought to remember how long, by precedent, Judge Douglas holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. You ought to remember that by the time you - yourselves - think you are ready to inaugurate measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that sufficient time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to break through, that compromise.

He says now nothing more strong than he said in 1849 when he declared in favor of "Missouri Compromise",—and precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise to be a s"acred" thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to touch," he himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy it. By a mere calculation of time - it will only be four years more until he is ready to take back his profession about the sacredness of the Compromise abolishing the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you are ready to have his services in that direction, by fair calculation, you may be sure of having them.

But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, that he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; that he declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your property into the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States.

He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He said that "... the people of the Territories can exclude slavery...", in so many words: You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never said it since. You may hunt in every speech that he has since made, and he has never used that expression once.

 He has never seemed to notice that he is stating his views differently from what he did then; but by some sort of accident, he has always really stated it differently. He has always since then declared that "the Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, as other property." Now, there is a difference in the language - used upon that former occasion - and in this latter day. There may or may not be a difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering whether there is not also a difference in meaning.

What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some way to put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the line, or change its character so that, as "property", it is out of existence. But what is the controlling of it "as other property"? Is controlling it as other property the same thing as destroying it, or driving it away? I should think not. I should think the controlling of "it" as other property would be just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling of property means the controlling of "it" for the benefit of the owner of "it". While I have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would say "God speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by the pretense of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws which virtually excluded it,—and, that upon a very well known principle - to all lawyers, [that] what a Legislature cannot directly do, it cannot do by indirection; [that] as the Legislature has not the power to drive slaves out, they have no power, by indirection, by tax, or by imposing burdens in any way on that property, to effect the same end, and that any attempt to do so would be held by the Dred Scott court unconstitutional.

 [ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dred_Scott ]

Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they can exclude it, because we have seen that [that] proposition amounts to nothing more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully drive out that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted - at first - [that] the slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories under the Constitution of the United States, and yet asserted that he might be lawfully driven out. That being the proposition, it is the absurdity I have stated.
He is not willing to stand in the face of that direct, naked, and impudent absurdity; he has, therefore, "modified his language" into that of being "controlled as other property."

The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it will go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in Illinois to break down a court, because it had made a decision he did not like. But he now not only swears by the court, the courts having got to working for you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by the courts, as unpatriotic, as bad citizens.

When one of these "acts of unfriendly legislation" shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in effect, destroy property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly enough that there can be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature to make them so burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that law to be unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your benefit "I swear by the court; I give it up"; and, while that is going on - he has been getting all his men to swear by the courts, and to give it up with him. In this again he serves you faithfully, and, as I say, more wisely than you serve yourselves.

Again: I have alluded - in the beginning of these remarks - to the fact that Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion that this government "cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free."

He has complained of Seward for using different language, and declaring that there is an "irrepressible conflict" between the principles of free and slave labor.

 [A voice: "He says it is not original with Seward. That it is original with Lincoln."]

I will attend to that immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may yet be a Douglas man.
 That is the difference!  It is not "unpatriotic" to hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man.

But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea.

 That same idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in 1856,—quite two years before it was expressed by the first of us. And, while Douglas was pluming himself that in his conflict with my humble self, last year, he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as he delighted to call it, and had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet Seward he would have "squelched" it there also, it never occurred to him to breathe a word against Pryor.
I don't think that you can discover that Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there.

 No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington City and made the editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making use of that expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical.

From all this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical in his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those fairly known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall become slave.

 When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise offensive to him. In this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge Douglas with you.

There is another reason why you "Southern people" ought to nominate Douglas at your convention at Charleston.

 That reason is the wonderful capacity of the man,—the power he has of doing what would seem to be impossible.

 Let me call your attention to one of these apparently impossible things:

Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing their desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That would, of itself, have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that wonder is heightened when we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly opposed to them, a man who believes in the divine right of slavery, was also expressing his desire that Douglas should be reelected; that another man that may be said to be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, and of your own State, was also agreeing with the anti-slavery men in the North that Douglas ought to be re-elected. Still to heighten the wonder, a senator from Kentucky, whom I have always loved with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever loved any man, who was opposed to the anti-slavery men for reasons which seemed sufficient to him, and equally opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to secure the reelection of Douglas.
  Now, that all these conflicting elements should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to support him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. It is quite probable that each of these classes of men thought, by the re-election of Douglas, their peculiar views would gain something: it is probable that the anti-slavery men thought their views would gain something; that Wise and Breckinridge thought so too, as regards their opinions; that Mr. Crittenden thought that his views would gain something, although he was opposed to both these other men. It is probable that each and all of them thought that they were using Douglas; and, it is yet an unsolved problem - whether he was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to consider whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to throw away.

There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It is but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend to "stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat you we have to beat you both together. We know that you are "all of a feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say,—beat you,—you perhaps want to know what we will do with you.

I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for "the opposition", what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between us - other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize - and bear in mind always - that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls when we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I, have the honor to inform you - that I once did have a chance in that way.

I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing takes place, what do you mean to do?

 I often hear it intimated that you mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is elected President of the United States.

 [A voice: "That is so."]

"That is so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian?


[A voice: "He is a Douglas man."]

Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do with your half of it?
 Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push your half off a piece?
  Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us "outrageous" fellows?
    Or are you going to build up a wall some way between your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come over here any more, to the danger of your losing it?

 Do you think you can better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable property that come hither?

 You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligations to do anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be?

 Will you make war upon us and kill us all?

  Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely - in a good cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown yourselves capable of this upon various occasions:
 but, man for man, you are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will make nothing by attempting to master us.

But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the Kentuckians than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that whatever course you take
 - we intend - in the end - to beat you. I propose to address a few remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with them the best means of keeping that promise that I have in good faith made.

 [ " Ordinance of '87" : https://www.americanantiquarian.org/proceedings/48055801.pdf ]

It may appear a little "episodic-al" for me to mention the topic of which I will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's [that] the interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of '87, or through any other act of the "General Government" never has made or ever can make a "free State"; the Ordinance of '87 did not make "free States" of Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; [that] these States are free upon his "great principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people of those several States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, and probably here, he undertook to compliment the people that they themselves have made the State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance of '87 was not entitled in any degree to divide the honor with them. I have no doubt that the people of the State of Ohio did make her free according to their own will and judgment - but, let the facts be remembered.

In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with the clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very nearly unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you—speaking of you as one people—that you did so unembarrassed by the actual presence of the institution amongst you; that you made it a free State not with the embarrassment upon you of already having among you many slaves - which, if they had been here, and you had sought to make a free State, you would not know what to do with. If they had been among you, "embarrassing difficulties", most probably, would have induced you to tolerate a slave constitution instead of a free one, as indeed - these very difficulties - have constrained every people on this continent who have adopted slavery.

Pray, what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you not find your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should be a free State?
It is important to inquire by what reason you found it so. Let us take an illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by reason of the course of the Ohio, is farther north than this portion of Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; Ohio is entirely free from it: What made that difference? Was it climate? No. A portion of Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. Was it soil? No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable to slave than the other.

 It was not climate or soil that mused one side of the line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the range of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that made that difference, other than that there was no law of any sort keeping it out of Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of Ohio. If there is any other reason than this, I confess [that] it is wholly beyond my power to conceive of it. This, then, I offer to combat the idea that that Ordinance has never made any State free.

I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; and, what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as between Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One additional argument is applicable also to Indiana. In her Territorial condition she more than once petitioned Congress to abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least so far as to suspend its operation for a time, in order that they should exercise the "popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them.

The men then controlling the "General Government", imitating the men of the Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so. we have the evidence that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not for that Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier out of the way; that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended - at last - in Indiana being a free State.

Tell me not then that the Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do with making Indiana a free State, when we find some men chafing against, and only restrained by, that barrier.

Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great "Northwest Territory", including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was acquired first, I believe, by the British Government, in part at least, from the French.

Before the establishment of our independence,  it became a part of Virginia, enabling Virginia afterward to transfer it to the General Government. There were French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at the same time there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in the tract of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these French settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,—at Kaskaskia, in Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in Missouri. The number of slaves was not very great, but there was about the same number in each place. They were there when we acquired the Territory. There was no effort made to break up the relation of master and slave, and even the Ordinance of 1787 was not so enforced as to destroy that slavery in Illinois; nor did the Ordinance apply to Missouri at all.

What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois and Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the latter part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe sometime in 1820. They had been filling up with American people about the same period of time; their progress enabling them to come into the Union about the same time. At the end of that ten years, in which they had been so preparing (for it was about that period of time), the number of slaves in Illinois had actually decreased; while in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the end of that ten years there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it being remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and the southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, so that climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the other, and that in the soil there is no material difference so far as bears upon the question of slavery being settled upon one or the other,—there being none of those "natural causes" to produce a difference in filling them, and yet there being a broad difference to their filling up, we are led again to inquire: What was the cause of that difference?

It is most natural to say [that] in Missouri - there was no law to keep that country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was the Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during that ten years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased from a few to ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the difference?

I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is a fallacy,—a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth about it.

Douglas, sometimes says [that] "... all the States (and it is part of this same proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have become so upon his "great principle"; [that] the State of Illinois itself came into the Union as a slave State, and that the people, upon the "great principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it a free State...". Allow me -but a little while - to state to you what facts there are to justify him in saying that "Illinois came into the Union as a slave State".

I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves there. They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, there had been a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. Under that law, in violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any enforcement of the Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been a small number of slaves introduced as "indentured persons". Owing to this, the clause for the "prohibition of slavery" was slightly modified.

Instead of running like yours, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, of which the party shall have been duly convicted, should exist in the State, they said that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should thereafter be "introduced"; and, that the children of indentured servants should be born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves.

Out of this fact, [that] the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the facts sustain the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and impartial men to decide.

 I leave it with you, with these remarks, worthy of being remembered, that that little thing, those few "indentured servants" being there, was of itself sufficient to modify a constitution made by a people ardently desiring to have a free constitution; showing the power of the actual presence of the institution of slavery to prevent any people, however anxious to make a free State, from making it perfectly so.

I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do.

I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I could talk a while.

[Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."]

It is this, then: Douglas's "Popular sovereignty", as a principle, is simply this:

 If one man chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man nor anybody else has a right to object. Apply it to government, as he seeks to apply it, and it is this: If, in a new Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits, or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the family of communities of which they are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of States as parent of all - however,  their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere.

That is Douglas's "popular sovereignty" applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty in the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the abstract, would be about this:

[that] each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a "general government" shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them.

Douglas looks upon slavery as so "insignificant" [that] the people must decide "that question" for themselves; and yet - they are not fit to decide who shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of their officers. These are vast national matters in his estimation;

 but,  the "little matter" in his estimation - is that of "planting" slavery there. That ["it"] is purely of local interest, which nobody - should be allowed to say a word about.

 Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion about the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is necessary connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the community.  "They" assume that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. "They" begin next - to consider what is the best way. "They" say there are but two ways: one is to hire men, and to allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to buy the men, and drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed to discuss the question of - whether the "laborers" themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the condition of slaves.

In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. [That] there is a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are industrious, and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should - after a while - accumulate capital, and after that - should be allowed to enjoy it in peace; and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people to labor for them, is right. In doing so, they do not "wrong" the man they employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others, "hired laborers", receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But, I insist that [that] "relation", after all, does not embrace more than one eighth of the labor of the country.

[The speaker proceeded to argue that the "hired laborer", with his "ability" to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors under the inducement of force. He continued:]

I have taken upon myself  - in the name of some of you - to say that we expect upon these principles to ultimately beat them.

 In order to do so, I think we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of "slavery"  that "acknowledges and deals with that institution as being wrong".

Whoever desires the prevention of - the spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution - yields all - when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery as being right - or, as being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful, but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong:

When I say this, I do not mean to say that this "General Government" is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that it is charged with "...preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs to itself ...". This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for the "general welfare". We believe that: "... the spreading out and perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. We believe—nay, we know—that that is the only thing that has ever threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has ever menaced the destruction of the government - under which we live - is this very thing. To repress this "thing", we think, is, Providing for the general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our argument for them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, or in some of them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our own course, upon our own judgment.

I say [that] we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the "general welfare" does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But - we must prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor "general welfare" requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the "African slave trade" -  and, the enacting - by Congress - of a "Territorial slave code". We must prevent each of these things being done by either Congresses or courts. 

The people of these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution. [ EXAMPLE JUDGE DOUGLAS ]

To do these "things" (ABOVE) - we must employ "instrumentalities". We must hold "conventions"; we must adopt "platforms", if we conform to ordinary custom; we must "nominate candidates"; and we must "carry elections". In all these things, I think that we ought to keep - in view - our real purpose (ABOVE) , and in none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose.

 If we shall adopt a platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose (ABOVE) , or elect a man that declares himself inimical to our purpose (ABOVE) , we not only take nothing by our success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle than a desire to have "the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our apparent success is really an injury to us. 

I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, [that] all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next Presidential election and in all future time. I am anxious that [that] should be; but there are things "seriously" to be considered in relation to that matter. If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor of the union. But suppose, we shall take up some man, and put him upon one end or the other of the ticket, who declares himself "against us" - in regard to the prevention of the spread of slavery; [A man] who turns up his nose and says he is tired of hearing anything more about it, who is more against us than against the enemy, what will be the issue? Why, he will get no slave States, after all, —he has tried that already until being beat is the rule for him. If we "nominate him" upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and not only so, but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the principle we really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a single "electoral vote" anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland.

There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate because we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We cannot get our men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot give the State of Illinois in such case by fifty thousand.
  We would be flatter down than the "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart to wish to see us.

 [ "Negro Democracy" : 

After saying this much,  let me say a little on the other side. There are plenty of men in the "slave States" [that] are altogether good enough for me to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will profess their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on the ground that our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There are scores of them, good men in their character for intelligence and talent and integrity.

 If such a one will place himself upon the "right ground", I am for his occupying one place upon the next Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily go for him.

 But unless he does so "place himself", I think it a matter of "perfect nonsense" to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; [that] if a union be made, the elements will scatter  - so that there can be no success for such a ticket, nor anything like success.

The good old maxims of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs, and in this, as in other things, we may say here [that] he who is not for us is against us; he who gather-eth not with us, scatter-eth. I should be glad - to have some of the many good and able and "noble men" of the South to place themselves where we can confer upon them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do that thing.

It would enable us to "teach them" [that],  inasmuch - as we select one of "their own number" to carry out our principles,
 we are free from the charge [that] we mean more than we say. [ "duplicity" ]

But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to do.
 I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have stayed and heard me with great patience, for which - I return you my most sincere thanks.


“This is a call to ALL patriots from Donald J Trump for a BIG protest in Washington DC! TAKE AMERICA BACK! BE THERE, WILL BE WILD!” read Dec. 28 posts on both the Facebook page of the New Hanover County GOP in North Carolina and the public group for the Horry County Republican Party in South Carolina, promoting a bus trip from Willmington, N.C. to Washington, DC.

h  :: https://archive.ph/LXZ5A  (capture 1-28-2021) "... 

Lower Cape Fear Young Republicans

Political Organization

Rep. David Rouzer

Government Official

New Hanover County Republican Liberty Caucus


Davie County Republican Party

Political Party

Michael Lee

Political Candidate

New Hanover County GOP

North Brunswick Republican Club

Political Organization

Republican Women of Cary & Southwestern Wake

Political Organization

Mecklenburg County Young Republicans

Political Organization

  Rep. Ted Davis, Jr.

Government Official

New Hanover County GOP

New Hanover County Democratic Party

Political Organization

Union County NC Republicans

Political Organization

Lower Cape Fear Young Republicans


North Carolina Republican Party

New Hanover County GOP

December 28, 2020 at 6:44 AM · 

WILMINGTON NC BUS TRIP TO WASHINGTON DC :: This is a call to ALL patriots from Donald J Trump for a BIG protest in Washington DC!
- Organizations that will be attending:
March for Trump (Wo
men for America First)https://www.trumpmarch.com ,
Million MAGA March https://www.millionmagamarch.us/
STOP THE STEAL  https://stopthesteal.us/

Date: January 6th Location: Washington DCNational Mall at 12noon
Cost: $75 per person,includes 2 drivers tips and parking for bus(Prepay with Venmo(Kristen bray@kristen-bray-11) or Paypal (kristenbray1@yahoo.com) ONLY!
Deadline to pay is:December 31st. First come first served! Bus will fill up quickly!
Transportation: Charters of America Bus (WiFi, Restroom, TVs, Overhead storage)
Depart: Spring View Pentecostal Church, 801 N College Rd.
Time: 3:30am (We will be leaving EXACTLY at that time!!!)
Depart: Washington DCWashington Union Station
Time: 3:30pm (We will be leaving EXACTLY at that time!!!) Arriving in Wilmington approx. 11pm
Bus will be parked at Washington Union Station. If you need to take a break for food, warmth etc. https://www.unionstationdc.com/


Bring your signs, flags and patriotism!
 Weather: Dress warm, check before you leave
 Bring your phone chargers and charge your phones prior to leaving!! Taking pics and videos will drain your phone quickly
 Food vendors will be available or you can BYOF/drinks, have cash just in case
 Portable bathrooms (be prepared for long lines, don’t wait until ya really gotta go)

!!!Take into consideration there is a lot of walking to get into the event area (there are many streets blocked off)
There are a lot of police, secret service and other protection at these events.

Kristen: 910-538-4545 kristenbray1@yahoo.com Payments
Katie: 720-320-6256 kt@shadgates.comDC and general questions
Barbara: 910-231-6955 amendbj@outlook.com Database info

Image may contain: 1 person, closeup, text that says 'If you are planning on going to Washington January 6th,2021 2021 and would like to leave from Wilmington contact Gabrielle Barone and let her know. We need 50 people to charter a bus. This could be our last chance to fight for freedom. FIGHT FOR TRUMP JANUARY ARYiS Were THE PATRIDT HAMMER'


 "PATRIOT HAMMER"  > https://www.facebook.com/ThePatriotHammer/ 
    Poster: https://archive.is/o/LXZ5A/


[ not available  1-28-2021 ]

“FIGHT BACK! Stop the Steal MAGA Bus Trip… Tell Congress – DO NOT CERTIFY THIS VOTE,” also read a Jan. 4 Facebook post from the Bergen County Republican Organization in N.J.


Image may contain: text that says 'FIGHT BACK! Stop the Steal MAGA Bus Trip Million MAGA March Tell Congress DO NOT CERTIFY THIS VOTE January 6, 2021 Washington DC Departs: 6:30 am sharp Town Hall 530 Newark Pompton Turnpike Pompton Plains NJ 07444 Return: Leave DC 4:00 pm sharp- arrive home by 9:00 $ 65.00 per person PayPal, VEMO, check To reserve seat, text name & cell: Το BJ at 717-261-7248 Notes: Bathroom on the bus, Food, drinks and snacks suggested! PayPal bj.pondarama@gmail.com VEMO @Bettyjean-Downing'

Bergen County Young Republicans

Political Organization

Pallotta For Congress

Political Candidate

District Bergen


Saddle River Republican Club

Political Organization

Oakland Republican Club

Political Organization

New Jersey Young Republican Federation

Political Organization

Franklin Lakes Republican Club

Political Party

Sussex Gop

Political Party

January 4 at 7:14 AM · 

Contact Lodi Republican County Committeewoman Betty-Jean Downing-Kling if you are interested.
She is filling bus number 3!
Text info to Betty at: 717-261-7348

Fair Lawn Republicans

Political Organization

Congressman Jeff Van Drew

NJ/NY For Trump/America/Law enforcement

Bergen County Republican Organization

Eldho Paul Madasseri Congratulations 🎈

Bergen County Republican Organization
Passaic County Regular Republican Organization

Government Organization

Bergen County Republican Organization

In 2021 we are also watching ✅Bergen County Sheriff ✅Bergen County Clerk ✅Paramus Council Bergen Republicans are on offense in 2021

John Crif

John Crif The democrats might have pulled off the greatest theft in history and you think putting a bunch of cowards that go along to get along is going to change that?

Bergen County Republican Organization

January 7 at 11:43 PM

Holly Nachmany great stuff! congratulations!🇺🇸

Ravi Sachdev

Ravi Sachdev Congratulations! All The Best!

Most Relevant

The post encouraged supporters to contact the Lodi Republican County Committee woman to join a group bus trip to the Capitol on Jan. 6. Tickets were $65.00. 

Republican lawmakers and other elected officials, including state senators and representatives, state school board members, mayors, town councilors and sheriffs from at least 18 states, also traveled themselves to D.C. on Jan. 6, where they tweeted and posted on social media in front of the Capitol. Just before the protests turned violent,

U.S. Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona tweeted, “Biden should concede. I want his concession on my desk tomorrow morning. Don’t make me come over there,” with a photo of the thousands of Trump supporters on the national mall. 

Paul Gosar @DrPaulGosar :: Biden should concede. I want his concession on my desk tomorrow morning. Don’t make me come over there. #StopTheSteaI2021







Replying to




We now know you were one of the organizers, Gosar. I want your resignation on @SpeakerPelosi‘s desk this morning. Don’t make the @FBIWFO come over there.

Fred Wellman @FPWellman Replying to @DrPaulGosar and @ali

The fact that this is still up tells me what a traitor you are. People died when your frothing mob attacked our Capitol. You must face justice for your lies.

Oh, that reminds me! This was going around. Looks like

@Ali  claimed you helped him plan the insurrection--you and a couple of other Congressmen.


Donald Trump Jr.



I wish the SEC had as much of an issue with Insider Trading as they seem to have with Outsider Trading. #RobinHood #GameStop #wallstreetbets

Senator Tina Smith



I’ll be voting for


when his nomination comes to the floor. I got high hopes for that guy.

Don Winslow


I got blocked by Marjorie Taylor Greene (@mtgreenee) for showing the world footage of her hate and racism. This person should not be in Congress.

Amanda Chase at Virginia Tea Party Summit 2016 (cropped).jpg    Republican state Sen. Amanda Chase of Virginia, who is also a gubernatorial candidate, gave a calm but conspiracy-laden speech to a crowd assembled outside the Capitol ahead of the rally. In previous days, she’d shared contact information for groups helping Virginians travel to D.C., according to a screenshot of her now-suspended Facebook page collected by Democratic super PAC American Bridge. [ https://ballotpedia.org/American_Bridge_21st_Century ]

A few hours later, just as rioters were ransacking Congressional offices, [photo, Daniel L. Cox, Maryland State Delegate] Republican state lawmaker Daniel Cox of Maryland  tweeted, “Pence is a traitor.” Cox also helped organize buses for his constituents to attend, according to local news site Maryland Matters.

In perhaps the most extreme example, newly-elected Republican State Del. Derrick Evans of West Virginia live streamed himself on Jan. 6 gleefully pushing into the Capitol building, [ VIDEO ]surrounded by a group of other cheering Trump supporters.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2021/01/09/derrick-evans-west-virginia-delegate-resigns/ ]
And while Evans resigned on Jan. 9 - after he was arrested for his part in the riot,
plenty of other Republican officials have defended their attendance on Jan. 6 and fought back against attempts by colleagues to censure them this week, signaling that they will continue to be an important part of the Republican Party even after Trump leaves office on Jan. 20.

 [  https://newjerseyglobe.com/local/gop-defends-hunterdon-gop-commissioner-who-attended-capitol-protest/  ] > Susan Soloway


‘It wasn’t something that was supposed to be acidic’

Like some prominent national Republican lawmakers, many of the state and local Republican party officials who promoted the Jan. 6 event later denounced the violence. In interviews with TIME, they claimed they did not know about, or approve of, plans to breach the Capitol building. [ See Mo Brooks statement above ]

Vincent Sammons, the county chairman of the Republican Central Committee of Cecil County in Maryland, who promoted what became a 15 bus trip to attend the Jan. 6 rally through a post on Cecil County Republican Club’s Facebook page, says he did not intend to fuel a riot.

“It wasn’t something that was supposed to be acidic,” he told TIME. “It was something that was supposed to be a rally to motivate people to get their voices heard… you know, trying to express your freedom of speech.”

 And, the timid Time "Reporter" - did not question this ?  Mr. Lee ( Christopher) - if you were armed for the "interview - which, every "professional" reporter - should be - YOU could have challenged his "feckless" assertion. [ http://vincentsammons.com/ 

A view of Pro-Trump rioters in front of the Capitol in Washington, D.C. on Jan. 6, 2021.

A view of Pro-Trump rioters in front of the Capitol in Washington, D.C. on Jan. 6, 2021.


Christopher Lee for TIME

Other local Republican leaders also emphasized that their Republican Party social media platforms were only used to help grassroots organizers’ efforts to support the President.

 Several Republican officials denied offering financial support to the protesters and described their role as simply helping to fill buses.

In Greenville, S.C., Kaaren Mann asked a friend with the Greenville County Republican Party to promote her bus trip on the party’s Facebook page and email list.

Carly Fiorina - Carly for America [pro-Fiorina super PAC]  ...suspended campaign Feb. 10, 2016

Headquarters: 28 Global Drive, Suite 107, Greenville, SC  ...opened May 26, 2015

Political Director  Taylor Mason

3rd vice chair of the SC GOP and Southern vice chair of the CRNC.  From Charleston.  twitter

Regional Field Director  Kaaren Mann

(announced May 26, 2015) 

In Ohio, Cathy Lukasko, auxiliary chair of the Trumbull County GOP, posted a flyer seeking attendees for a private bus trip that was shared on the Facebook pages for at least three counties’ GOP chapters before she combined forces with another Ohio Republican activist to fill a bus.


[ Jane Brady] The Northern Kentucky Tea Party, which advertised a bus trip that left from a local church, according to a since-deleted web page saved by American Bridge, filled two buses in a similar manner. Jane Brady, the Chairwoman of the Delaware Republican Party, posted about what became a three bus trip on the party’s official Facebook page. In more than half a dozen interviews, local Republican party members and Republican organizers maintained that they were not aware of anyone in their groups committing violence.


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Delaware Republican Party

January 20 at 9:32 AM · 

A message from Chair Jane Brady:

If you are frustrated, even angry, at the way the November election was conducted, particularly in the important swing states, you are not alone.

And, if you are concerned about what will happen in Washington and Dover, you are not alone.

Many of us are concerned about our First and Second Amendment Rights, and our State Election Laws. We need to be informed, advocate and take a stand.

All of us want our country to succeed, but there are a number of real issues that need to be addressed.

The best way to address these issues and resolve the frustration is to join together, with the common purpose of protecting our rights, insuring economic and personal freedom, and preparing our children to lead in the future.

The Delaware Republican Party is working to keep Delaware elections secure.

We are working to open our schools and businesses by demanding that the Governor take action.

 We are standing up for the working class that the Democrat elites claim to serve, yet have left behind.

We know that you want to be self-sufficient, able to care for your family and live in peace. Support the party that supports you, your community, and law enforcement.

Today is the day and now is the time. Take action, and join the Delaware Republican Party at https://delawaregop.com/get-involved : 


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Delaware Republican Party

January 4 at 10:56 AM · 

More seats are available for the Jan. 6 MAGA Rally. To reserve a spot, please contact Toni at Delaware Express at 302-454-7800 Ext 623 or toni@delexpress.com.

Details are:
Please arrive on time, we will be departing Newark (Park & Ride at Rt 1 and Rt 273) at 7:30 AM Sharp and Dover at 9:00 AM Sharp.
 Bus will load in the parking lot at Food Lion by Dover Air Force Base Located at 250 Gateway S Blvd, Dover, DE 19901.

Please bring food and drink for the day, at the last march there were only a few vendors to support a VERY large crowd. Dress appropriately, wear comfortable shoes and plan on standing and walking. We do not recommend bringing chairs, however that is your choice. The last march in DC was an incredibly patriotic day, peaceful and momentous; we expect the same at this event. Group plans to stick together the best they can, (and this event is at Capitol Building rather than a March) It’s important that you understand scheduling of the arrival and departure are to be punctual.

Bus departs Washington at 4:00 pm. Text and data communications can be very limited, please note the pickup location and create an alarm on your phone to alert you of the time to begin making your way to Union Station 50 Massachusetts Ave Washington DC which is our pickup location. If you do not have a smart phone with GPS maps it’s important you familiarize yourself with the streets and walking directions.

It goes without saying, but if YOU or ANYONE you are in close contact with have been experiencing ANY cold like symptoms, or fever please do not attend the trip. Your fare is non-refundable.

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But many other Republican officials have either stopped short of condemning the rioters’ actions, or attempted to walk a fine rhetorical line—condemning the violence, while continuing to promote the same false grievances that incited it in the first place. Many have doubled down on their support for Trump himself.

Virginia Sen. Chase, for instance, publicly denied participating in the riots, but refused to criticize the Trump supporters who did until pressed in an interview with TIME on Jan. 14. “I’ve always condemned any type of violence, no matter what rally you’re at,” Chase told TIME. She then added that she “understand[s] the frustration of the people” and that “they believe the insurrection honestly occurred back on Election Day.” Chase also repeated the baseless claim, circulated by far-right extremists and conservative media, that at least some of those who stormed the Capitol were members of antifa, the loosely organized movement of anti-fascist activists.

The Arizona Republican Party has amplified the same baseless claim.
 { https://www.npr.org/2021/01/28/961714642/there-are-a-lot-of-questions-arizona-gop-faces-concerns-about-party-elections ] 

“Several dozen, including members of Antifa, made the reprehensible decision to riot,” the Arizona Republican Party tweeted Jan. 11. “Punish the perps, stop gaslighting the innocents.” The tweet is now pinned to the top of the party’s timeline.

Maryland delegate Cox also denied participating in the riots and denounced the “mob violence” in a statement to TIME. But in a letter to Maryland General Assembly’s Joint Committee on Legislative Ethics that was published by the Washington Post, Cox maintained that Pence’s decision to confirm Biden’s victory was a “betrayal of us his voters.”


These elected officials’ political two-step is likely a reflection of their Republican constituents’ beliefs. A Vox/Data for Progress poll conducted Jan. 8-11, just days after the riots, found that 72% of likely Republican voters said they still do not trust the 2020 election results. And an Ipsos-Axios poll conducted Jan. 11-13 and focused on the Capitol riots found 63% of Republicans said they support Trump’s “recent behavior.”

“It doesn’t surprise me at all that MAGA has kind of taken over Republican held seats in legislatures or in certain governorships, in large part because they’re reflecting what the base is,” says Elizabeth Neumann, who resigned from leading the Department of Homeland Security’s office overseeing responses to violent extremism last April. She explains that local officials often play an especially crucial role in shaping their constituent’s beliefs, since people tend to trust local representatives more than national ones.

“Somebody who’s already on that radicalization pathway,” Neumann says, “and you have a trusted voice, like your local legislator, or councilman or governor kind of endorse this path that they’re on, they’re more likely to continue on that path.”

Pro-Trump rioters attempt to push through a barrier outside of the Capitol building in Washington, D.C.

Pro-Trump rioters attempt to push through a barrier outside of the Capitol building in Washington, D.C.


Christopher Lee for TIME

An American tinderbox

The Jan. 6 riot was not a standalone event. It marked the culmination of more than a year of growing frustration and increasingly virulent ideas.

The rally brought together people from across the country who believe in a host of typically separate conspiracy theories, noted Brian Levin, director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California State University, San Bernardino.

As Trump encouraged supporters to oppose coronavirus-related lockdowns last year, the “liberate” movement and protests at state capitols throughout 2020, “provided an elastic reservoir to meet others with grievance against the government,” Levin says. That helped bring more establishment Republican activists on the ground into contact with QAnon supporters, Proud Boys and white supremacists.

Far-right extremists talking about violence, and even civil war, is not a new phenomenon, says Lawrence Rosenthal, chair of the Berkeley Center for Right-Wing Studies, but it didn’t have a significant impact at the national level until Trump.

In the past, “there’s always a sense of a spark” that would start the violence, he adds. “What’s different today is that the spark is the leadership of the President of the United States.”

Several right wing groups, including Women for American First, Turning Point USA and Phyllis Schlafly Eagles also helped promote the rally.

Women for American First was granted a permit for the event on Jan. 4, per ABC News.

It also hosted a multi-state bus tour across the U.S. encouraging people to attend the rally.

Pro-Trump rioter uses a Capitol Police shield to break a window of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C.

Pro-Trump rioter uses a Capitol Police shield to break a window of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C.


Christopher Lee for TIME

Phyllis Schlafly Eagles—a group launched by the former president of Schlafly’s longtime group Eagle Forum amid infighting in 2016—promoted the event on its website and social media, likening the rally to D-Day in one post, according to research provided by American Bridge.

And Charlie Kirk, the founder of Turning Point USA and Students for Trump, claimed, in a since deleted tweet, that he sent more than 80 buses to the event, according to Kristen Doerer, the managing editor of Right Wing Watch. (A Turning Point spokesman later told the New York Times that the organization sent just seven buses to DC.)

The leaders of those organizations belong to the highly influential conservative political organization the Council for National Policy, which has close ties to the Trump administration and whose past members include former Trump White House staffers Kellyanne Conway and Steve Bannon.

The Trump Administration will come to an end next week, but security officials say the threat presented by the President’s fanning of conspiracy theories and anti-democratic fury will remain.

The extremism that leaders in Washington now say threaten American democracy have permeated all levels of the Republican Party.
  “The concern that we have from a security perspective is that this problem doesn’t go away with Trump,” says Neumann.

 State and federal law enforcement officers are preparing for potential violence from rightwing extremists and militant Trump supporters before and during Joe Biden’s inauguration. 




Some Business Owners are Facing Backlash for Trump Activism

Some small business owners who traveled to Washington D.C. on Jan. 6 are facing boycotts and bad online reviews


2 Virginia Police Officers Fired Following Involvement in the U.S. Capitol Riots

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